Venâncio Mondlane Interview

NÁDIA:
Hello, welcome to our special interview segment. Today, our guest is Venâncio Mondlane, a presidential candidate in the October 9, 2024, elections in Mozambique. Mondlane was a major figure behind the controversial protests that shook the country and, in fact, continue to resonate to this day. The objective of this popular uprising was to demand electoral truth following widespread allegations of fraud during the process. Venâncio Mondlane had been out of the country due to alleged political persecution but recently returned. Today, we’ll be discussing the ongoing crisis in Mozambique with him. Hello, and thank you very much for accepting our invitation.

VENÂNCIO:
Hello, Nádia. Thank you for providing this platform for such an important discussion.

NÁDIA:
Thank you. The Constitutional Council, despite public pressure, proclaimed your opponent, Daniel Chapo, as the winner of the last elections. Venâncio Mondlane, do you feel defeated after your intense fight to restore electoral truth?

VENÂNCIO:
Not at all. It's important to consider two things. Frelimo (the ruling party) won through fraud - manipulation, deceit, and the use of police force, along with other forms of violence, in which Frelimo excels. This is nothing new, and it shouldn't be the measure by which we judge whether our fight was successful or not. Frelimo has been employing these tactics for the past 30 years.

What we need to assess is whether our efforts were worth it. The first significant gain for Mozambican society was raising awareness. People now understand that the right to protest, the pursuit of truth, and justice are not luxuries - they are fundamental constitutional rights. This realization is crucial and foundational. As many people say, "our eyes have been opened." From a civic standpoint, this is a remarkable achievement because its impact will be felt not just today, but also by future generations.

The second key victory, in my view, was the national and international exposure of Frelimo's fraudulent schemes, at a level never seen before. This is evident, for example, in how the European Union's electoral observation mission - one of the most prominent - continues to express doubts about the fairness of the process. In the past, observation missions would have already issued statements endorsing the results by now.

Another important point is that, for the first time in Mozambique, during the inauguration of a president, only two African heads of state were present. Even Frelimo's traditional allies abstained from attending. Rwanda, which currently maintains strong diplomatic and political ties with Mozambique, also did not send a representative. This demonstrates the extent of the exposure of Frelimo’s fraudulent practices.

The impact was immense. It's as if this time, the veil hiding the "leprosy" that Frelimo has harbored for 50 years was finally lifted. Another extremely important point is that, for the first time, the concept of national unity truly came to life. It’s something that has been talked about a lot, but in an abstract and empty way. This time, we saw genuine national unity in action.

For months, people came together in ways we hadn’t seen in a long time in Mozambique. Across districts, provinces, on the streets, and on highways, they stood together singing the national anthem, holding hands, regardless of their social or economic status. Whether they were street vendors or the wealthiest individuals in Maputo, everyone stood hand in hand, united, singing the anthem.

Another deeply significant aspect that emerged was the affirmation of our African identity. We also embraced and celebrated the African Union anthem. I know some people didn’t even know the lyrics to it initially, but they took the time to learn, studying it late into the night. What does this mean? It signifies an increase in civic and cultural education. Our cultural and historical identity as Africans was elevated to a level never seen before.

This is an immeasurable achievement - something Frelimo couldn’t accomplish in 50 years. Instead, Frelimo divided us into tribes, clans, and regions. But all of this was overcome in just three months. A historical mistake spanning five decades was corrected.

Finally, and this is my last point, there is now a sense of unwavering determination. Despite the Constitutional Council proclaiming the results that it did, people are resolute. You can see it in their voices and actions - they are saying, "We are willing to keep fighting for justice and truth." And it’s important to note that this struggle hasn’t stopped. This was just one phase.

NÁDIA:
Indeed. And building on that, how do you plan to sustain and strengthen this awakening among Mozambicans - their sense of citizenship and their fight for rights?

VENÂNCIO:
One of the things I should have mentioned when discussing the gains - and it ties directly to your question - is that we will continue to empower people to recognize their rights. Let me give a concrete example to avoid being too abstract.

One key focus of our efforts is the relationship between local communities and large international capital, particularly in the extractive industries - mining, oil, and so forth. Today, what are known as Local Development Agreements (ADLs) have begun to emerge. These agreements allow communities to negotiate directly with these companies.

NÁDIA:
For example? Recently, with Sasol.

VENÂNCIO:
 What happened? With Sasol.

In the Inhassoro area, a framework has been established, and similar agreements are currently being negotiated in Tupi, Nampula.

NÁDIA:
Does this signal the irrelevance of the government or its failure to act in defense of citizens' interests?

VENÂNCIO:
Yes, it does. And let me clarify - this is entirely constitutional. Some might argue that this approach violates the law, but it does not. The Constitution of the Republic provides for situations where official authorities fail to meet the needs, expectations, or demands of the people. There are already constitutional provisions for direct action or alternative solutions outside official channels.

The Constitution includes several articles addressing this. For instance, what is happening in Tupi, where the company told the community that it had sent several installments of funds to build the famous bridge and road they wanted, but the district government never delivered on these promises. The company then stated they were open to negotiating directly with local communities, bypassing official authorities.

This reinforces citizenship. It is not illegal, nor is it an act of rebellion. It’s a disciplined, well-organized process. Communities design projects, discuss their priorities - whether it’s a bridge, water supply, or roads - then sign preliminary agreements with the companies. Mixed teams, composed of company representatives and community members, are later formed to monitor implementation.

This is unprecedented in the history of Mozambique, and it’s happening now. It’s one of the initiatives we intend to continue.

Another focus is fostering what we call active democracy. We are moving away from a passive democracy where people merely sit and wait for their rights to be granted. Instead, we are promoting an engaged and active democracy.

A recent example is the decree we issued just a short while ago. Yesterday, I released the first decree of what I call “The People’s Government,” which is already available to the public. We will continue to debate and expose the disastrous public policies of this regime, which, as is now evident, will not change.

The current president, whom I refer to as a “forced president,” recently announced his first actions. For instance, he appointed judges to the Administrative Court, and this serves as a clear example that nothing will change. Where are the reforms? Where is the youth leadership in a man supposedly under 50 but who appears as if he belongs to a bygone generation?

Despite claims of being a reformist or open to dialogue, his first presidential actions are an absolute disaster. His appointments demonstrate that there will be no reforms - it’s just more of the same.

NÁDIA:
Could mediated dialogue help resolve the current deadlock?

VENÂNCIO:
I doubt he is truly open to dialogue. His words on the subject are the height of hypocrisy. He repeatedly says, “We are always open to dialogue; we will listen to everyone,” but you can tell these words come from a man who doesn’t believe them himself.

You can see it in his demeanor, his body language - it’s all a facade, a euphemism for the press, to create the impression that he is open to dialogue. But in reality, there is nothing genuine about it. You sense a deep arrogance, an absolute unwillingness to engage in meaningful conversation.

He’s merely buying time, consolidating his control over the armed forces and public institutions. That’s all he is focused on right now.

NÁDIA:
Has there been any attempt to establish contact between you, Venâncio, and Mr. Daniel Chapo?

VENÂNCIO:
In concrete terms, no, not so far. What has happened is that since the 22nd, I’ve been conducting live broadcasts, and in every one of them, I’ve said I’m open to dialogue. Not only that, but I’ve also raised specific issues that I would bring to the negotiation table.

NÁDIA:
What conditions do you propose for dialogue?

VENÂNCIO:
I have never imposed conditions, but the priorities I’ve outlined have remained the same since 2024. In fact, most of them are included in the decree I recently issued. Let me summarize them for you.

The most urgent priority is to completely eliminate police violence against the people. This must stop. We are witnessing a silent genocide. If this were happening in Europe, I can assure you, Nádia, the European Parliament would halt all its activities to address the genocide taking place in Mozambique. We’ve had 400 people killed by the police, nearly 5,000 unjustly detained without due process, and over 2,000 people left temporarily or permanently disabled due to disproportionate police violence. In Europe, everything would come to a standstill to discuss this.

So, the first measure is to put an end to this disproportionate police violence.

The second measure is the unconditional release of all those detained in connection with the protests that began on October 21.

The third measure involves medical and psychological assistance for those who were physically or mentally affected by the police violence.

Another critical measure is compensation. Families who lost relatives to police violence should receive compensation of no less than 200,000 meticais per family.

There are also economic measures. We propose the establishment of a financial line dedicated to economic recovery for small and medium-sized enterprises affected during the protests. Additionally, there should be funding for startups and small businesses, especially those led by young people and women, to ensure a brighter future.

These are among the most pressing points, though there are minor details as well.

One idea I’ve emphasized is the reintroduction of free school lunches. Some might dismiss this as a joke, but it’s not. Mozambique once provided free school meals during a time when we were far poorer in resources than we are today.

Now, Mozambique is earning approximately 8 billion dollars from the export of liquefied natural gas from Cabo Delgado. It makes no sense for a country with such revenue to fail to distribute its benefits to its population. We have children in schools suffering from malnutrition. Mozambique is one of the countries with the highest rates of chronic malnutrition in the world.

Reintroducing school lunches is not a luxury or a populist measure - it is a basic necessity. Addressing malnutrition in schools is crucial because it affects our future.

Implementing these measures would show people that their sacrifices - their suffering, injuries, and even the loss of their loved ones - were not in vain. They would see that, for the first time, someone is thinking of them. Historically, political agreements following electoral crises in Mozambique have always been agreements between politicians, for politicians.

So, is it just about distributing positions? Are they dividing spots in public bodies, like the Council of State and other institutions? Allocating positions in public or state-affiliated private companies? They make deals around this, and then the people are left behind. Historically, the population has never benefited from any agreements made between politicians.

Exactly. Since 1994, the agreements we’ve seen - especially electoral ones - have never included the people. That’s why I’m introducing these economic and social measures, to ensure that, for the first time, the people feel that an agreement has been made in their favor. They should also be able to benefit.

NÁDIA:
So, you don’t see any genuine willingness for inclusion or sensitivity to different political and social perspectives within the presidency or the Frelimo government?

VENÂNCIO:
I see absolutely none of that. Frelimo continues to operate with the same arrogance it’s shown over the years.

NÁDIA:
So, nothing has changed, no lessons learned?

VENÂNCIO:
None whatsoever. In fact, it has become more radicalized, more violent. It has reached a level of almost schizophrenic violence. Now they’re kidnapping people from their homes, executing them in the forests.

NÁDIA:
Did not take any mission…

VENÂNCIO:
This seems to confirm the fears many had about a wave of revenge following the elections and the protests.

Yes, unfortunately, those predictions were spot on. People have come to understand Frelimo very well. As Elísio Macamo once said - although he’s now critical of such ideas - Frelimo has all the hallmarks of a criminal organization. There’s no question about it.

NÁDIA:
And like any criminal organization, it responds to challenges with escalating violence?

VENÂNCIO:
Yes, I mean, if this prediction was perfect because, fortunately, people really know very well. Frelimo is an organization, as Elísio Macamo rightly said, that today stands against certain types of ideas.

To say that it has all the ingredients of a criminal organization, what does that mean?

There is no doubt about it. How do criminal organizations behave?

When they are questioned, they react with violence, and increasingly so. It's what one could call geometric violence. That is, the more you demand your rights, the level of violence from these criminal organizations grows proportionally.

The more you demand your rights, the more the violence against you increases. Therefore, no, it was not unexpected. Another thing was not to be expected.

Just look at this: How is it possible? How is it possible?

In three months, the weapons of the police have killed far more people than COVID did. More people died from bullets than from COVID. In three months, you have a level of violence and deaths proportionally higher than what you had during 16 years of war.

Mozambique, indeed.